The U.S. Foreign Policy with its regards on Arab-Israeli Struggle

At the same time, the oil-producing Arab nations of the midst East (and beyond) demand, and deserve American attention for only virtuoso reason: their supply of oil. It seems obvious that irrelevant insurance of the U.S. is motionlessness skewed toward Israel, with billions of dollars in aid, and the need for American administration to train favor with the Jewish voters, who tend to vote in big numbers, percent-wise, than any(prenominal)(prenominal) other segment of the American population. But, the current foreign policy has to answer some serious questions, dismantle as State Department officials continue to make fruitless trips to Tel Aviv and Riyadh. It is passably to examine whether we have a cohesive foreign policy regarding both Israel and the Palestinian Arabs, and whether it is not even-handed enough (according to the Palestinians, at any rate). It is interesting to note that in recent weeks, the Palestinians have attach an intensive PR campaign to refute the Clinton Administration's claim that it was Arafat who "scuttled" the refugee camp David meetings with then Israeli prime minister, Ehud Barak.

One problem- and it is a contentious one -- that the U.S. has refused to face head-on is that the right of the come back of the Palestinian refugees into Israel contradicts the recognition of Israel's right to exist.

Over the years, U.S. foreign policy tried not to interfere in the internal Israeli policy-making conflicts. What makes any U.S. intervention in internal Israeli personal matters so difficult is really that Americ

Pan Arabism -- is a term that defines the ex locomotesion of the Islamic religion from its central core in Saudi Arabia both atomic number 74 into North Africa and Eastward into Afghanistan, Iran, and as far as Pakistan and Indonesia. In some cases, Pan Arabism has caused political turmoil in condition states, where ultra-radical fundamentalists have provoked unrest, even terrorism and uprisings, taking prefer of failed economical measures.

While there may well be an economic basis for some of the unrest (unemployment, low victuals standards, a fear of Western catch and Western self-command of local industries) the key is really the spread of a return to the basic fundamental Islamic faith, which many Islamic apparitional leaders feel has been corrupted by Western mildew and the spread of technology and modernism. Only in Iran, where the moderate organization of Khatami is making some changes from the orthodox theocracy created by Ayatollah Khomeini, is the spread of pan Arabism slowed.

One thing would seem clear, but perhaps undoable: The need for a rational approach that defines a primaeval land"- which the Israelis stoutly believe was theirs, as a mastermind grant from God. Can modern diplomacy accept that as a given? Unless there is a compromise- unless Israelis are volition to permit those Arabs who, it would seem, have every right to maintain their homes and their presence. perchance the most difficult part of trying to come to some fair understanding of the problem is that the Jews regard Israel (Palestine) as their God-given promised homeland. Until even the ultra-orthodox Jews can somehow be persuaded to live side by side with non-Jews who have lived on the land for hundreds of years, any feud settlement seems impossible, if not totally improbable. Despite political influence by American Jews, the U.S. cannot afford to overlook the needs and rights of Palestinian Arabs. The dilemma- how can the U.S. persuade Israelis that the Palestinians have rights?

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